Paul Kennedy, chair of the Commission for Public Complaints against the RCMP, has concluded an investigation of the police complaint process and recommended that the RCMP cease its practice of self-investigation when RCMP officers cause serious injury or death. Kennedy, however, did not recommend completely independent investigations. In cases of death, Kennedy recommends that the investigation be done by a provincial criminal investigation unit or an external police service. In other cases, Kennedy recommended enhanced civilian involvement by including in he investigation team a civilian observer from the CPC. The CPC implemented the observer program in British Columbia in 2008 after it began as a pilot project in 2007.

It is unfortunate that Kennedy’s solution to the problem of the police investigating the police is to solve it with different police investigating the police. Ontario and Manitoba, along with numerous jurisdictions outside of Canada, have opted to create an independent civilian agency, or Special Investigation Unit, to investigate instances of serious injury and death caused by the police. In instances of serious injury, rather than have a special police unit conduct investigations overseen by an observer program, it would be simply better to refer such investigations to the same special investigation unit that investigates police-involved deaths. Kennedy recommends multiple solutions where one would suffice.

Kennedy’s recommendations go against his very argument. He states that “the very nature of an investigation by one police officer into another is fundamentally different from the police investigating a member of the public for the exact same crime. Police are held to higher account by the very nature of the work they do.” Rather than advocating for an independent special investigation unit, he speaks of investigations by external police forces and observers. However, an investigation by an external police force is still self-investigation, police investigating police. An observer program relies entirely on the information provided by the RCMP, and by its own admission, “it is not the goal of the CPC Independent Observer to assess the adequacy of the RCMP’s investigation“.

The idea of a special investigation unit is often attacked by those who claim that only the police have the skills and wherewithal to conduct an investigation. The idea that there is some divine right of investigation is absurd: many professions besides policing require knowledge of the legal system and investigative skills. In addition, Kennedy’s report is hardly reassuring to those who suggest Police would do a better job of these investigations than civilians.

Though not ideal, what Kennedy proposes is still better than what currently exists. In his report, Kennedy analyses 28 cases of self-investigation and paints a clear picture of the numerous problems that exist within the model of self-investigation.

For instance, he notes that in 68% of the cases under review, investigations were handled in an “inappropriate” manner. He also finds that in 25% of cases, investigators said they knew the officer they were investigating personally. And almost one-third of investigations were carried out by officers of an equal or lesser rank than the officer they were investigating, which created significant potential for intimidation.

In response to the recommendations in the report, RCMP Commissioner William Elliott has stated that “we [the RCMP] agree in principle with your assertion that although all Canadians, including RCMP members, are entitled under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to be treated equally under the law, criminal investigations of RCMP members may necessitate different treatment from a procedural point of view.” Commissioner Elliott has promised that forthcoming policy changes will address many of the concerns raised by Kennedy’s report.

Check out the final public report by the CPC.

Thomas Braidwood has released his report on the public inquiry probing the police use of tasers. Braidwood concluded that tasers are useful and beneficial, but can cause death and serious injury. This finding prompted his recommendation that the police should deploy a taser only when someone is causing bodily harm or there is reasonable belief that someone will imminently cause bodily harm. Braidwood’s 19 recommendations are reproduced below.

Immediately following the release of the report, BC Solicitor General Kash Heed praised the report as “perhaps the most comprehensive examination of (tasers) anywhere in the world” and ordered all police, sheriffs and corrections officers in BC to incorporate Braidwood’s recommendations into policy and “severely restrict the use of the stun guns.” In contrast, the RCMP released a statement that effectively said the RCMP will not comply with Braidwood’s recommendations, supposedly until they have had full opportunity to review the report. This recalcitrance prompted a sharp rebuke, with Mr. Heed stating that compliance is required from all police in BC, which includes the RCMP, and that compliance was a precondition for the renewal of the RCMP’s contract in BC which ends in 2012.

Kash Heed deserves credit for asserting his authority and ensuring that the RCMP is held accountable to our provincial government and the citizens it serves. His position is unequivocal and uncompromising, stating “I am quite confident those organizations will follow the directive that was received today. I expect it to be followed.” RCMP officers are now forced to choose between following the directive issued by Heed, or flaunting the findings and recommendations of an independent provincial inquiry. Let us hope that a wave of cautious pragmatism moves through the ranks that Creditable Conduleads to compliance.

Braidwood is critical of the provincial government for “abdicating” its responsibility to establish taser standards to ensure the weapon was safe for use and used safely. While the province’s responsiveness today is praiseworthy, we must not forget that it was preceded by years of inaction and avoidance.

Special Constable Greg McCormick of Halifax Regional Police testified before the Nova Scotia inquiry probing the death of Howard Hyde that he did not make threats before tasering Mr. Hyde.  Counsel for Hyde’s family questioned McCormick about several audible phrases:

“You’re going to be doing the fucking dance next.”

The statement was made at the same time McCormick drew his taser.  McCormick testified that Mr. Hyde used the threatening language.  Joanna Blair, Mr. Hydes sister, did not believe Hyde made the threat: “I’m sure because I would have recognized my brother’s voice.”  McCormick also played down the nature of the threat: “It doesn’t seem threatening to me.  It’s a threatening statement, but it’s certainly not a direct threat.”

“We’re just going to cut one of those balls off.”

McCormick testified that he reassured Mr. Hyde he was going to cut the lace around Mr. Hyde’s shorts.  Although the officer did not testify as to his exact words, the word “balls”, made while he was carrying a 10 inch serrated blade, apparently referred to a knot on the drawstring of Mr. Hyde’s shorts.

“Shut up.”

McCormick denied uttering this after Hyde arrived at the station while Hyde was speaking to other officers.

McCormick acknowledged that his supplemental report was written before his notes on the incident, the reverse of standard practice.  McCormick stated that the inconsistency was due to the fact that he had not been trained in notetaking: “As far as my notebook goes, I’m not sure what goes there…  It’s not something that I really know what I should be doing.”

Hyde stopped breathing after being tasered by Special Constable Greg McCormick.  Howard Hyde was revived by officers but died 30 hours later, reportedly after a struggle with corrections officers.

Read more in the Chronicle Herald.

Last week saw the start of an inquiry in Nova Scotia probing the in-custody death of Howard Hyde. Hyde died shortly after he was Tasered by Special Constable Greg McCormick of the Halifax Regional Police in November, 2007.  In a turn resembling the Dziekanski inquiry, evidence has challenged officers’ accounts of events.

Constable Jonathan Edwards has recanted statements after contradictory evidence surfaced.   Edwards had previously stated that a booking officer warned Hyde he would be tasered if he failed to cooperate. No such warning appeared in a video recording of the incident.  Edwards also changed his story by admitting to using McCormick’s incident report to prepare his own after he had denied it.  Kevin MacDonald, who is representing Hyde’s family at the proceedings, noted that identical statements were used in both reports.

Special Constable Shannon Coombs has testified that Hyde became agitated after McCormick drew a 10 centimetre curved, serrated blade to cut a string on Hyde’s shorts.  This appears to contradict a previous statement by Coombs that she did not have a good view of what happened.  MacDonald suggested to Coombs that she could not see the device, to which she responded: “No, I did see him hold it, I did not see him use it”.

Howard Hyde, who suffered from schizophrenia and harboured a deep fear of the police, assaulted his common-law partner, Karen Ellet, after failing to take his medication.  While being booked at the police station, he attempted to flee.  Hyde was tasered during an ensuing altercation with police, and the entire incident was captured on camera.  Hyde was taken to hospital but was soon returned to police custody.  Howard Hyde died in his jail cell 30 hours after the initial incident.

Many have questioned whether psychiatric care would have been more appropriate than police detention. Ms. Ellet has stated that Hyde “was treated as a prisoner, not as a mental-health patient.” Nova Scotia’s medical examiner has  ruled Hyde’s death was the result of “excited delirium”, a term with much controversy in the health profession as it only appears as a cause of death in police-involved deaths and it is not listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders.

Watch the inquiry live.

Bud Mercer, head of the Vancouver 2010 Integrated Security Unit and assistant commissioner of the RCMP, recently warned Vancouver City Council about the possibility of violence during the Olympics.  And that’s what 7,000 police officers, 5,000 private security officers and 4,500 Armed Forces personnel, all collectively packing $1,000,000,000, are for.

The spectre of violence, according to Mercer, not only justifies the epic security budget but also a program of relationship-building visitations with suspected protesters.  These visits are followed up by an interview with a suspected protester’s family, friends, neighbours and employer.  This deep level of contact, according to Mercer, is done so that the police can help suspected protesters plan a lawful and peaceful protest.

Public comments on the Vancouver Sun website yield an expected reference: the Montebello protest.  In 2007, the Surete du Quebec was accused of using agents provocateurs to instigate violence.  The three masked undercover officers, who raised the ire of protesters for wearing masks and carrying a rock, were reportedly in attendance to “spot and identify violent demonstrators“.

One can only hope that all this animosity and escalation will end in 16,500 well-paid but very boring temp jobs.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, Constables Bill Bentley and Kwesi Millington have appealed the BC Supreme Court ruling that Commissioner Braidwood has authority to make findings of fault.  The appeal also seeks to prevent the Commission from continuing proceedings against the two officers until 60 days after the BC Court of Appeal rules on the matter.

The Braidwood Inquiry, which is investigating the death of Robert Dziekanski, was set to conclude until an internal RCMP email surfaced that appears to contradict sworn testimony.  Unless further delayed, the inquiry will resume on September 22.

Check out the story in the Vancouver Sun.

The Braidwood inquiry was thrown into an uproar today after a Department of Justice lawyer representing the RCMP made a late disclosure of an email exchange between two senior RCMP officers just as closing submissions were about to begin. The BCCLA is a participant at the inquiry.

The email was an exchange between the two most senior officers in the “E Division” of the RCMP, and suggests that the four RCMP officers went into the airport planning to taser Mr. Dziekanski before they even saw him. At the inquiry, the four officers denied that they had discussed a plan in advance of arriving at the airport.

The email, however, suggests that one or more of the officers told their superiors around the time of the incident the exact opposite. Further, the email suggests that they contemplated using the taser not in accordance with RCMP policy and training.

The e-mail from Supt. Dick Bent to RCMP Assistant Commissioner Al Macintyre, dated Nov. 5, 2007, said: “Finally, spoke to Wayne [Rideout] and he indicated that the members did not articulate that they saw the symptoms of excited delirium, but instead had discussed the response en route and decided that if he did not comply that they would go to CEW (conducted energy weapon).”

The issues raised by the email are highly relevant and go to the very core of the inquiry’s mandate. The public deserves a full explanation of the email’s contents and its drafting, and significantly, why it wasn’t disclosed many months ago. Further, the public’s confidence in the RCMP has been shaken and we need assurances that the RCMP is disclosing all relevant materials.

Inquiry Commissioner Thomas Braidwood said that he was “appalled” that the RCMP had not disclosed the information months ago, and ordered that the inquiry be postponed so that the contents of the email could be investigated. He stated that further evidentiary hearings may be required.

Commission counsel Art Vertlieb, who outlined the e-mail suggested that it may be necessary to recall the four officers to testify again. The senior RCMP officers involved in the email exchange likely will have to testify as well. The e-mail, written on Nov. 5, 2007, was disclosed only this week by the federal Justice Department to commission counsel.

The late disclosure of this document has disrupted months of work. We’re shocked that the email wasn’t disclosed to the commission and participants months ago, and call upon the RCMP to provide the public with complete assurances that full disclosure has been made. The public has the right to know why the RCMP did not disclose the email until after the four officers testified.

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Grace Pastine is the Litigation Director and is counsel for the BC Civil Liberties Association at the Braidwood Inquiry

 

The transcript of the email as read at the inquiry is below.
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Four of the RCMP officers under scrutiny at the public inquiry into the death of Robert Dziekanski have failed in their attempts to prevent retired judge Thomas Braidwood from releasing his report.  The officers alleged that Commissioner Braidwood did not have the authority to cast blame.

Arne Silverman, a judge of the B.C. Supreme Court, found that Justice Braidwood had treated the officers fairly during the proceedings and, according to the BC Public Inquiry Act, has the authority to make findings of misconduct.

Check out the article in the Vancouver Sun.

In a press release today, the Commission for Public Complaints Against the RCMP has stated it has received 34% more complaints against the RCMP in 2008-2009 than the previous year.

Is the CPC receiving more complaints because more people are turning to the independent agency rather than the RCMP, or are police complaints up in general?

In an attempt to pull out of their reputation’s tailspin, the RCMP will hire a cameraman to help restore public confidence by recording police operations and disseminating the most dramatic footage.

John Ferry of the Province argues “some will argue the new cameraman will simply be acting as a police propaganda agent.” That’s an oversimplification, but even he states that it will be a “police-friendly lens.” Will the videographer simply spread propaganda, as Merriam-Webster defines it, and “disseminate information for the purpose of helping an institution”?

The RCMP is attempting to regain public confidence, but simply filming its officers is not going to change the organisation. The RCMP is no stranger to public criticism of heavy-handed tactics in BC. Just think of the images of their encounters with Aboriginal people, the Doukhobors, Japanese Canadians and now, increasingly, political activists. Is the public to believe that, if a videographer is present, that the police will become even-handed and accountable? More to the point, will the RCMP cease spreading misinformation because a videographer is present?

The videographer is an exercise in police propaganda. This is not condemnation per se, as one can imagine that the public and community organisations like the BC Civil Liberties Associations will one day be calling for the release of video footage. Then again, how are we to know it exists when it is the RCMP that decides what will be released? A problem exists if the RCMP are going to use the videographer to polish its image instead of making real changes. Will the purpose of the videographer be to excuse bad conduct because policing is too difficult to do with propriety?

If that is the case, the purpose of the videographer is highly questionable. How should one interpret the purpose when RCMP spokesperson Tim Shields’ says of the footage: “The more dramatic the better, because it’s important that the public sees what is truly going on in their communities. We have nothing to hide.”

Most police work is not dramatic, and shouldn’t be. Should the RCMP be sifting through its work looking for or creating drama, sensationalising its work in order to promote a skewed view of policing? Crime is down but the fear of crime is up, and this fear is capitalised upon to increase police powers at the expense of civil liberties. Will the public be served by the RCMP’s version of Cops or To Serve and Protect? Or would the public be better served by a move towards real change: increased civilian oversight, independent civilian investigations of complaints, public accountability, transparency, policy reform…

Propaganda is an essential part of propping up bad regimes. There is nothing wrong with the RCMP filming its work, but there seems to be something wrong here.